Phonemic orthography
A phonemic orthography is an orthography in which the graphemes correspond to the phonemes of the language. Natural languages rarely have perfectly phonemic orthographies; a high degree of grapheme-phoneme correspondence can be expected in orthographies based on alphabetic writing systems, but they differ in how complete this correspondence is. English orthography, for example, is alphabetic but highly nonphonemic; it was once mostly phonemic during the Middle English stage, when the modern spellings originated, but spoken English changed rapidly while the orthography was much more stable, resulting in the modern nonphonemic situation. However, because of their relatively recent modernizations compared to English, the Romanian, Italian, Turkish, Spanish, Finnish, Czech, Latvian and Polish orthographic systems come much closer to being consistent phonemic representations.
In less formal terms, a language with a highly phonemic orthography may be described as having regular spelling. Another terminology is that of deep and shallow orthographies in which the depth of an orthography is the degree to which it diverges from being truly phonemic. The concept can also be applied to nonalphabetic writing systems like syllabaries.
Ideal phonemic orthography
In an ideal phonemic orthography, there would be a complete one-to-one correspondence between the graphemes and the phonemes of the language, and each phoneme would invariably be represented by its corresponding grapheme. So the spelling of a word would unambiguously and transparently indicate its pronunciation, and conversely, a speaker knowing the pronunciation of a word would be able to infer its spelling without any doubt. That ideal situation is rare but exists in a few languages.A disputed example of an ideally phonemic orthography is the Serbo-Croatian language. In its alphabet, there are 30 graphemes, each uniquely corresponding to one of the phonemes. This seemingly perfect yet simple phonemic orthography was achieved in the 19th century—the Cyrillic alphabet first in 1814 by Serbian linguist Vuk Karadžić, and the Latin alphabet in 1830 by Croatian linguist Ljudevit Gaj. Another such ideal phonemic orthography is native to Esperanto, employing the language creator L. L. Zamenhof's then-pronounced principle “one letter, one sound”.
There are two distinct types of deviation from this phonemic ideal. In the first case, the exact one-to-one correspondence may be lost, but the "regularity" is retained: there is still an algorithm for predicting the spelling from the pronunciation and vice versa. In the second case, true irregularity is introduced, as certain words come to be spelled and pronounced according to different rules from others, and prediction of spelling from pronunciation and vice versa is no longer possible. Common cases of both types of deviation from the ideal are discussed in the following section.
Deviations from phonemic orthography
Some ways in which orthographies may deviate from the ideal of one-to-one grapheme-phoneme correspondence are listed below. The first list contains deviations that tend only to make the relation between spelling and pronunciation more complex, without affecting its predictability.Case 1: Regular
Pronunciation and spelling still correspond in a predictable way- A phoneme may be represented by a sequence of letters, called a multigraph, rather than by a single letter. That only retains predictability if the multigraph cannot be broken down into smaller units. Some languages use diacritics to distinguish between a digraph and a sequence of individual letters, and others require knowledge of the language to distinguish them; compare goatherd in English.
sch versus s-ch in Romansch
ng versus n + g in Welsh
ch versus çh in Manx Gaelic: this is a slightly different case where the same digraph is used for two different single phonemes.
ai versus aï in French
This is often due to the use of an alphabet that was originally used for a different language and so does not have single letters available for all the phonemes used in the current language.
- Sometimes, conversely, a single letter may represent a sequence of more than one phoneme.
- Sometimes, the rules of correspondence are more complex and depend on adjacent letters, often as a result of historical sound changes.
Case 2: Irregular
- Sometimes, different letters correspond to the same phoneme. That is often for historical reasons. That affects the predictability of spelling from pronunciation but not necessarily vice versa. Another example is found in Modern Greek, whose phoneme /i/ can be written in six different ways: ι, η, υ, ει, οι and υι.
- Conversely, a letter or group of letters can correspond to different phonemes in different contexts. For example, th in English can be pronounced as /ð/ or /θ/, as well as /th/.
- Spelling may otherwise represent a historical pronunciation; orthography does not necessarily keep up with sound changes in the spoken language. For example, both the k and the digraph gh of English knight were once pronounced, but after the loss of their sounds, they no longer represent the word's phonemic structure or its pronunciation.
- Spelling may represent the pronunciation of a different dialect from the one being considered.
- Spellings of loanwords often adhere to or are influenced by the orthography of the source language. With some loanwords, though, regularity is retained either by
- * nativizing the pronunciation to match the spelling or by
- * nativizing the spelling.
- Spelling may reflect a folk etymology, or distant etymology.
- Spelling may reflect morphophonemic structure rather than the purely phonemic although it is often also a reflection of historical pronunciation.
Morphophonemic features
Alphabetic orthographies often have features that are morphophonemic rather than purely phonemic. This means that the spelling reflects to some extent the underlying morphological structure of the words, not only their pronunciation. Hence different forms of a morpheme are often spelt identically or similarly in spite of differences in their pronunciation. That is often for historical reasons; the morphophonemic spelling reflects a previous pronunciation from before historical sound changes that caused the variation in pronunciation of a given morpheme. Such spellings can assist in the recognition of words when reading.Some examples of morphophonemic features in orthography are described below.
- The English plural morpheme is written -s regardless of whether it is pronounced as or, e.g. cats and dogs, not cats and dogz. This is because the and sounds are forms of the same underlying morphophoneme, automatically pronounced differently depending on its environment.
- Similarly the English past tense morpheme is written -ed regardless of whether it is pronounced as, or.
- Many English words retain spellings that reflect their etymology and morphology rather than their present-day pronunciation. For example, sign and signature include the spelling, which means the same but is pronounced differently in the two words. Other examples are "science vs. conscience, prejudice vs. prequel, nation vs. nationalism, and special vs. species.
- Phonological assimilation is often not reflected in spelling even in otherwise phonemic orthographies such as Spanish, in which obtener "obtain" and optimista "optimist" are written with b and p respectively even though both are pronounced by assimilation with the following. On the other hand, Serbo-Croatian spelling reflects assimilation so one writes Србија/Srbija "Serbia" but српски/srpski "Serbian".
- The final-obstruent devoicing that occurs in many languages is not normally reflected in the spelling. For example, in German, Bad "bath" is spelt with a final even though it is pronounced, thus corresponding to other morphologically related forms such as the verb baden in which the d is pronounced. Turkish orthography, however, is more strictly phonemic: for example, the imperative of eder "does" is spelled et, as it is pronounced, not *ed, as it would be if German spelling were used.
Defective orthographies
A defective orthography is one that is not capable of representing all the phonemes or phonemic distinctions in a language. An example of such a deficiency in English orthography is the lack of distinction between the voiced and voiceless "th" phonemes, occurring in words like this and thin respectively.Comparison between languages
Languages with a high grapheme-to-phoneme and phoneme-to-grapheme correspondence include:- Maltese
- Finnish
- Albanian
- Georgian
- Turkish
- Serbo-Croatian
- Bulgarian
- Macedonian
- Eastern Armenian
- Basque
- Haitian Creole
- Castilian Spanish
- Czech
- Polish
- Romanian
- Ukrainian
- Belarusian
- Swahili
- Mongolian
- Azerbaijani
- Oromo
French, with its silent letters and its heavy use of nasal vowels and elision, may seem to lack much correspondence between spelling and pronunciation, but its rules on pronunciation, though complex, are consistent and predictable with a fair degree of accuracy. The actual letter-to-phoneme correspondence, however, is often low and a sequence of sounds may have multiple ways of being spelt.
Orthographies such as those of German, Hungarian, Portuguese, and modern Greek, as well as Korean hangul, are sometimes considered to be of intermediate depth.
English orthography is highly non-phonemic. As with many languages spoken over a wide area, it would in any case be hard to construct an orthography that reflected all of the main dialects of English, because of differences in phonological systems. The irregularity of English spelling arises partly because the Great Vowel Shift occurred after the orthography was established; partly because English has acquired a large number of loanwords at different times, retaining their original spelling at varying levels; and partly because the regularisation of the spelling happened arbitrarily over a period without any central plan. However even English has general, albeit complex, rules that predict pronunciation from spelling, and several of these rules are successful most of the time; rules to predict spelling from the pronunciation have a higher failure rate.
Most constructed languages such as Esperanto and Lojban have mostly phonemic orthographies.
The syllabary systems of Japanese are examples of almost perfectly shallow orthography – exceptions include the use of ぢ and づ and the use of は, を, and へ to represent the sounds わ, お, and え, as relics of historical kana usage.
Realignment of orthography
With time, pronunciations change and spellings become out of date, as has happened to English and French. In order to maintain a phonemic orthography such a system would need periodic updating, as has been attempted by various language regulators and proposed by other spelling reformers.Sometimes the pronunciation of a word changes to match its spelling; this is called a spelling pronunciation. This is most common with loanwords, but occasionally occurs in the case of established native words too.
In some English personal names and place names, the relationship between the spelling of the name and its pronunciation is so distant that associations between phonemes and graphemes cannot be readily identified. Moreover, in many other words, the pronunciation has subsequently evolved from a fixed spelling, so that it has to be said that the phonemes represent the graphemes rather than vice versa. And in much technical jargon, the primary medium of communication is the written language rather than the spoken language, so the phonemes represent the graphemes, and it is unimportant how the word is pronounced. Moreover, the sounds which literate people perceive being heard in a word are significantly influenced by the actual spelling of the word.
Sometimes, countries have the written language undergo a spelling reform to realign the writing with the contemporary spoken language. These can range from simple spelling changes and word forms to switching the entire writing system itself, as when Turkey switched from the Arabic alphabet to a Turkish alphabet of Latin origin.
Phonetic transcription
Methods for phonetic transcription such as the International Phonetic Alphabet aim to describe pronunciation in a standard form. They are often used to solve ambiguities in the spelling of written language. They may also be used to write languages with no previous written form. Systems like IPA can be used for phonemic representation or for showing more detailed phonetic information.Phonemic orthographies are different from phonetic transcription; whereas in a phonemic orthography, allophones will usually be represented by the same grapheme, a purely phonetic script would demand that phonetically distinct allophones be distinguished. To take an example from American English: the sound in the words "table" and "cat" would, in a phonemic orthography, be written with the same character; however, a strictly phonetic script would make a distinction between the aspirated "t" in "table", the flap in "butter", the unaspirated "t" in "stop" and the glottalized "t" in "cat". In other words, the sound that most English speakers think of as is really a group of sounds, all pronounced slightly differently depending on where they occur in a word. A perfect phonemic orthography has one letter per group of sounds, with different letters only where the sounds distinguish words.
A narrow phonetic transcription represents phones, the sounds humans are capable of producing, many of which will often be grouped together as a single phoneme in any given natural language, though the groupings vary across languages. English, for example, does not distinguish between aspirated and unaspirated consonants, but other languages, like Korean, Bengali and Hindi do. On the other hand, Korean does not distinguish between voiced and voiceless consonants unlike a number of other languages.
The sounds of speech of all languages of the world can be written by a rather small universal phonetic alphabet. A standard for this is the International Phonetic Alphabet.