Yolmo language
Yolmo or Helambu Sherpa, is a of the of Nepal. Yolmo is spoken predominantly in the and valleys in northern and northwestern. Dialects are also spoken by smaller populations in and and also in . It is very similar to and less similar to and. There are approximately 10,000 Yolmo speakers, although some dialects have larger populations than others.
Language name
Yolmo is both the name of the language, and the ethnic group of . Yolmo is also written Hyolmo, Yholmo or Yohlmo. The 'h' in all of these spellings marks that the word has. Sometimes the language is referred to as Yolmo Tam, tam is the Yolmo word for 'language'.The language is also referred to as Helambu Sherpa. This usage was common in the 1970s. This name appears to have been an attempt by Yolmo speakers to align themselves with the widely recognised and prosperous of the district. While there are many cultural affinities between the two groups, the is not mutually intelligible with Yolmo. With a growing recognition of Nepal's ethnic minorities, Yolmo people have moved away from associating themselves with the Sherpas in recent decades.
Language family
Yolmo is part of the family of languages called. The languages of this family are located along the Himalayan hills and mountains mostly on the Nepal side of the border, although Kyirong is in the. Along with Yolmo, and, other languages in the family include, and.The language family is better considered be Kyirong-Yolmo. Yolmo has far more speakers than Kagate , Yolmo speakers are found in multiple districts, including Melamchi, Lamung and Ilam, while Kagate speakers are based in Ramechhap. Also, Kagate is an, and speakers now prefer the Syuba, which carries less pejorative stigma than the -associated term Kagate.
This is part of a larger cluster of, which all have their roots in the language that was the basis for.
History
Yolmo speakers traditionally reside in the and Melamchi Valley regions in the and districts of Nepal. Yolmo speakers migrated to the area, across the, from the, in what is now Southwest Tibet, over 300 years ago. This migration appears to have occurred slowly over multiple generations, rather than one large migration event. Main villages where Yolmo speakers reside include Melamchi Ghyang, Tarke Ghyang, Nakote, Kangyul,, Norbugoun, Timbu, and Kutumsang.Yolmo speakers are, with the role of head Lama. Yolmo Lamas are called upon to perform religious rituals for the -speaking communities that live in villages below the Yolmo-inhabited areas. This has created a strong socio-cultural link between the two groups that is reflected in traditional marriage practice where Tamang women marry into Yolmo villages. There is also a distinct local tradition of pòmbo. The pòmbo tradition, passed from father to son, is focused on healing, particularly with regard to 'soul loss'. This practice appears to be evolving fit with the modern focus on Buddhism among Yolmo people. For example, pòmbo blood sacrifices are no longer performed as commonly. While there are similarities, including a shared etymology, these local practitioners are not formally associated with the of Tibet.
Traditionally Yolmo people were yak herders and traders. They currently practice a combination of mixed agriculture involving livestock herding, hotel management, restaurants, and trading. Although outward migrants would often return to village life, speakers of Yolmo are increasing settling in Kathmandu, or moving overseas, which has an effect on transmission of the language as speakers move towards dominant languages of formal education such as Nepal and English.
For more on the history of Yolmo speakers, see the page.
Dialects
There are a number of of Yolmo, spread throughout Nepal, thanks to migration in recent centuries, including in Lamjung and Ilam. There are also closely related languages that should be considered when discussing Yolmo, including and Langtang. Some of these varieties have been documented in more detail than others. Some of the dialects also have more, which means it is easier for the speakers to understand each other. Below is a list of established dialects, including what is known about each.Melamchi Valley Yolmo
The variety of Yolmo documented by Anna Marie Hari is mostly spoken in the Melamchi Valley area. Hari documented the variety of Yolmo mostly spoken around the villages of and Chhimi. Hari also encountered speakers from other areas in the Melamchi and Helambu valleys, and suggested there are two dialects across this area. mostly distinguished by vocabulary. The two dialects are the 'western' dialect, mostly in district and the 'eastern' dialect, which Hari's work focuses on. While discussing these dialects Hari also observes that the variety spoken around Tarkeghyang is different again, suggesting there may be more than two dialects spoken in the area.Hari produced a Yolmo-Nepali-English dictionary of the language with Chhegu Lama, and a sketch grammar. Hari also translated the of the into Yolmo. Original cassette recordings of her work have been digitised and archived with. Unless otherwise stated, all discussion of the grammar of Yolmo on this page is drawn from the work on Melamchi Valley Yolmo.
Langtang
Northwest of the Yolmo-speaking areas in the Langtang valley of the are three villages that speak a language that is mutually intelligible with Yolmo. This language also shares features with and is likely part of a between Yolmo and Kyirong.Lamjung Yolmo
Lamjung Yolmo is spoken by around 700 people in five villages of the of Nepal. Yolmo speakers have been residing in this area for over a century. Gawne has written a sketch grammar and a Lamjung Yolmo-Nepali-English dictionary. There is also a digital archive of Lamjung Yolmo recordings archived with.Ilam Yolmo
A dialect of Yolmo is reportedly spoken in the of far east Nepal. There is very little documentation of this variety, but it is mutually intelligible with Syuba. Recordings from the dialect are available as a subset of an online collection of Syuba materials archived with.Syuba (Kagate)
Although has a distinct name, and a separate , linguistically it can be considered a dialect of Yolmo. Syuba speakers say their families migrated to the area more than a century ago. Hari, who worked on both Yolmo and Syuba observes that "to quite a large extent they are mutually intelligible dialects". The lexical similarity between Syuba and Melamchi Valley Yolmo is at least 79%, with the similarity between Syuba and Lamjung Yolmo even higher. There is a higher level of similarity between Yolmo and Syuba than there is between either of these languages and Kyirong. This all suggests that the separated dialects may have more in common with each other than with the main dialect area. In 2016 the Syuba community published a Syuba-Nepali-English dictionary.Three open access collections of Syuba, digitised from Monika Hölig's 1970s recordings, documentation by Lauren Gawne, a 2013 BOLD documentation by the Mother Tongue Centre Nepal.
Language vitality
Using the , Ethnologue gives Yolmo a vitality rating of 6a 'Vigorous', but does not cite a source for this claim. The vitality of the language varies depending on the location. In the Melamchi Valley area the language is spoken mostly by older adults. The younger generations having largely shifted to Nepali, though the language is being maintained for religious practices. The shift towards Nepali for younger speakers has also been observed in Lamjung, as this is the language used in schools. The Syuba variety in Ramechhap is currently still spoken across all generations, including children. Mitchell & Eichentopf give it an EGIDS rating of 6a 'Vigorous', which is the likely reference for the Ethnologue rating. This is a recent survey with primary data presented, and is in concord with the first author's own observations of this community. There is insufficient data on the Ilam or Langtang variety to assess their vitality at this stage.Language contact
All Yolmo speakers who I have met have been minimally bilingual in the national language Nepali. For older speakers Nepali was mostly used for interaction with people outside their community, and they may be less proficient, while younger speakers are likely to have attended school in Nepali and are proficient and, to some degree, literate.While there is relatively little influence of Nepali on basic vocabulary, Nepali words are commonly adopted into Yolmo. In Hari & Lama's dictionary of over 4000 entries there are over 200 entries marked with some kind of Nepali influence. The extent to which Nepali words have been reconfigured to Yolmo phonology has not been systematically studied. One observation is that Nepali verbs take a suffix -ti before any tense or aspect marking. This suffix is not voiced in any environment, unlike the marker -ti.
In the Helambu area Tamang women would marry into the villages, but they appeared to move to Yolmo-speaking when they married in.
Individuals may also have other languages in their personal repertoire, through marriage to someone from a different language group, international work or engagement with tourists from different countries. English is increasingly common as a language of education.
Orthography
Hyolmo does not have a written tradition although there are attempts to develop an orthography based on, the script used to write the national language, as seen in the publication of two dictionaries. Syuba speakers also settled on a Devanagari orthography for their dictionary. All of these dictionaries also present the languages in orthographies.Devanagari
The modifications to are minor, and are intended to ensure that all sounds in the language can be represented. None of the orthographies use the '', meaning that a consonant without an overt vowel is not treated as having an implied vowel. Consonants remain the same as in the existing Devanagari tradition, with the use of joined to represent additional sounds in the language, such as the combination of क and य for the palatal stop क्य, स and य for the palatal fricative स्य, र and ह for the voiceless liquid र्ह, and ल and ह for the voiceless lateral ल्ह ह्य.Vowel length is unmarked in the Syuba dictionary, in the two Yolmo dictionaries the standard Devanagari length distinctions are made, with the addition of a small diacritic below the 'a' vowel to indicate a longer vowel. The Hari & Lama and Gawne dictionaries both use ह after the vowel to mark low tone, while in. High tone is left unmarked.
Roman
All three dictionaries also make use of variations on a Romanised orthography, although this does not appear to be used or preferred by Hyolmo speakers, and is intended for the English-literate audience of the dictionaries. Consonants predominantly take their form from the, with some exception where there is a more common preference in English, such as digraphs for the palatal stops and non-superscript for aspiration. This is represented in the in the Phonology section.The vowels in Hyolmo follow the, except for which uses 'o' for ease of typing. Long vowels are represented by double characters, e.g. 'two' is represented as ɲíi, except in the Syuba dictionary where vowel length is not indicated in either the Devanagari or Roman scripts. For tone Hari uses a 'h' after the vowel to represent low tone, with high tone unmarked, Gawne uses the convention of using accents over the vowel to mark high and low tone, while the Syuba dictionary uses a superscript L at the start of the syllable to mark low tone with high tone unmarked.
On this page the orthography mostly follows Hari's transcription, as outlined in the phonology. Unlike Hari, representation of tone follows the, with accents to mark high and low tone. This avoids Hari's use of 'h' to represent both low tone and the sound .
Grammatical overview
The sections below contain an overview of the key features of the grammar of Hyolmo. Information is mostly drawn from Hari's grammar of the language, supplemented by the Yohlmo-Nepali-English dictionary she co-wrote with Chhegu Lama. Differences between this variety and other documented dialects are indicated where relevant. Links to other related languages will also be made where relevant.All example sentences are presented with an interlinear gloss. This breaks down the words on a level, giving information about the meaning of each morpheme using a standard set of. All examples are cited back to the original publication they are drawn from. Some glossing has been regularised, or added where it was not included in the original.
Phonology
Consonants
There are 36 consonants in Yolmo, which are summarized in the table below. The form is given in IPA and then to the right in brackets is given the form used in this article, if different.Not all consonants are equally frequent. In particular , and are not particularly frequent, nor are vowel-initial words.
Vowels
There are five places of articulation for vowels. There is a length distinction at each place of articulation. The form of each vowel is given in IPA and then to the right in brackets is given the form used in this article, if different.Below are some minimal pairs that demonstrate the vowel length distinction. The diacritic above the vowel is the tone marker, the acute accent indicates that all of these examples are high tone. This is explained in more detail in the section on tone.
Vowel-length distinctions are not common across Tibetic language, but they are also attested in Syuba and in Kyirong for open syllables.
Unlike many other Tibetic languages, including, and, Yolmo does not have a . This is true for all dialects of Yolmo documented to date, including Syuba. Langtang, however, does have this vowel.
Tone
Like other Tibetic languages, Yolmo has tone, which is located on the first vowel of a word. Hari presents a four tone contrast of Melamchi Valley Yolmo; high level, high falling, low level and low falling. Acoustic evidence from Lamjung Yolmo and Kagate indicates that there is only acoustic evidence for a contrast between two tones; low and high. Below are some examples of tone minimal pairs:Low tone words can be marked with, but this is not always the case. The practice of indicating low tone with a 'h' following the vowel in is related to this breathy property of low-tone vowels. The high tone, which uses, is left unmarked.
Tone is predictable in some environments. It is always high following , aspirated and . Examples of all of these include:
Tone is always low following stops, voiced fricatives and voiced affricates. Examples of all of these include:
On words with more than one syllable the tone is marked on the initial syllable. Subsequent syllables eventually level off. Tone on all words is influenced by prosody, and may become more or less neutralised in running speech.
The only prefixes in the language are the prefixes mà- and mè-. Both have low tone, however if the following root has high tone it will not change tone because of the preceding low suffix.
There are no morpho-phonemic variations discussed for the language. The only related feature are a small set of verb minimal pairs where transitivity is distinguished by tone:
Syllable structure
Yolmo has the V. This means that the minimum a syllable needs is a. Syllables can also have up to two consonants before the vowel and one after the vowel.All consonants and vowels can occur word-initial, with a restricted set able to occur in the second syllable. The set of syllable initial consonant clusters includes /pr, br, kr, py, phy, sw, kw, thw, rw/.
All vowels can occur syllable-final, and final consonants include voiceless unaspirated bilabial /b/ and velar stops /k/, voiced liquids /l,r/, the voiced labio-velar /w/ and all nasals except the palatal /m, n, ng/.
Morphophonemic processes
There is a regular process by which the suffixes undergo a change depending on the nature of the verb that they are attached to. Suffixes that begin with a , such as the, the or the , all undergo regular morphophonological processes. If they occur after a syllable with a final sound that is voiced they will also be voiced, if they occur after an unvoiced final sound, or an /r/ the start of the suffix will be unvoiced. The examples below are with the :The only forms that cannot be predicted by this process is if the suffix is after /i/ or /e/, both of which are. The voicing cannot be predicted in this context, and the suffix is sometimes voiced and sometimes unvoiced. Below are examples of verbs with both /i/ and /e/:
There is also a tendency for suffixes that begin with -k/ -g to omit the initial sound after a vowel. This is not as regular a process as the voicing alterations described above. Below are some examples of this process:
Word order
Yolmo has the basic word order of. This is common in the.Nouns/nominals
The in Yolmo includes either a or a. The noun phrase with a noun can also include a, and, while the options are more limited with a pronoun or. Noun suffixes include, and numeral classifiers.The order of the noun phrase is Noun=Plural .
Determiners
The Yolmo is dì the same as the third person inanimate pronoun 'it/this'. It occurs before the noun:The is marked using the numeral tɕíi 'one', which comes after the noun, like other numbers:
Pronouns
Yolmo pronouns are presented in the table below. There is an distinction for first person plural pronouns, a distinction for third person singular and an distinction for third person.ɲì
mò
dì
dìya
The first person plural òraŋ is more commonly found in the Western dialects of Melamchi and Helambu Valley Yolmo, as well as Lamjung Yolmo, while ùu is more common in the Eastern dialects. It is possible to create a dual form by adding ɲíi to the plural form, although this is optional.
The third person plural khúŋ can also be used as a polite form for a single third person.
Pronouns do not take determiners, number, or adjectives.
Interrogative pronouns
are used to form questions. Yolmo has the following attested interrogative pronouns:Hari gives both kà and kàla as forms for 'where' in Melamchi Valley Yolmo, but only kàla is attested in Lamjung Yolmo. There are also a number of forms for 'why', tɕípe and tɕíle are attested in both Melamchi Valley Yolmo and Lamjung Yolmo, but only tɕí mée in Melamchi Valley Yolmo. This is because it uses the verb mée 'say' as part of the construction, which is not in Lamjung Yolmo. The kànmu form of 'how' is attested in Lamjung Yolmo, while kànɖu is used in Melamchi Valley Yolmo, with an optional -mu suffix to make kànɖu-mu. Hari and Lama also note the form kànɖu-bar in the Western regions.
Note that the words súgi and súla are complex forms, súgi is sú 'who' with the genitive case suffix, and súla is sú'' with the dative case suffix.
For more on the structure of interrogative clauses, see the section on.
Proper nouns
Proper nouns include people's names, place names and the names of deities. They do not take determiners, number, or adjectives.Plural
The marker in Melamchi and Lamjung Yolmo is =ya.The plural is treated as a as it occurs after an if there is one, rather than always attaching directly to the noun:Plural marking is optional if an overt number is used with the noun, or if the number is clear from context:
The plural form in Syuba is =kya, which is more similar to the Kyirong form, suggesting the Yolmo =ya is an innovation.
Focus marker
Yolmo has a nominal focus marker -ti. The focus marker gives prominence to the noun it is attached to. In the example below, the older brother is singled out, contrasted with other relatives who perhaps did not obtain such wealth:Hari also notes for Melamchi Valley Yolmo that there is a focus marker -ka, which is used specifically to mark something as contrary to expectation.
Nouns can also take the emphatic suffixes -ni and -raŋ, which are also used for other parts of speech.
Case marking
Yolmo uses suffixes to mark the of nouns. Similar to other languages, Yolmo uses a single case form for multiple functions. Case marking is treated as a, as clitics come at the end of the whole noun phrase, rather than directly attaching to only the noun. Below the cases are listed with their functions.The case markers are phonologically bound, with the =ki form becoming voiced in some environments, it is also reduced to =i in some environments. See the section on for more on this.
Where there is also a plural the case marker comes after the plural, as in the example below:
Ergative case
Yolmo has optional case-marking. Ergative marking means that of are unmarked, the same as of. Subjects of transitive verbs are distinguistshed from both of these with the =ki marker.Below is an intransitive sentence, with the subject ŋà taking no marking:
In contrast with this ergative-marked transitive, where the subject ŋà is marked with the ergative:
Speakers do not always use the ergative case, which is why it is considered 'optional':
Ergative marking is more common for, and non- actions. There also appears to be some effect of animacy, and the ergative appears to be used as a strategy in discourse to mark. This form of optional ergativity is common across the Tibeto-Burman family.
Dative case
is typically used to indicate, broadly, the noun to which something is given. The Yolmo dative has this function, but it also has a function in 'dative subject' constructions. The dative subject occurs with a small set of, and denote personal, and usually internal, states.The use of dative subjects is common in languages of this area, and is also.
Number
Yolmo has a base-20 counting system. As can be seen in the examples above, can be used in noun phrases.The Yolmo number system is very similar to that of Standard Tibetan and other Tibetan varieties. In the table below is the Yolmo number, taken from Hari's dictionary.
| Yolmo | English | Yolmo | English | Yolmo | English | ||
| tɕíi | 1 | khál tɕíi tɕíi | 21 | ʑìpkha | 400 | ||
| ɲíi | 2 | khál tɕíi ɲíi | 22 | ŋápkya | 500 | ||
| súm | 3 | khál tɕíi súm | 23 | ʈùpkya | 600 | ||
| ʑì | 4 | khál tɕíi ʑì | 24 | tìngya | 700 | ||
| ŋá | 5 | khál tɕíi ŋá | 25 | kyèkya | 800 | ||
| ʈùu | 6 | khál tɕíi ʈúu | 26 | kùpkya | 900 | ||
| tìn | 7 | kál tɕíi tìn | 27 | tóŋra | 1000 | ||
| kyèe | 8 | khál tɕíi kyèe | 28 | ||||
| kù | 9 | khál tɕíi kù | 29 | ||||
| tɕú | 10 | khál tɕíi tɕú | 30 | ||||
| tɕúuʑi | 11 | khál ɲíi | 40 | ||||
| tɕíŋii | 12 | khál tɕú | 50 | ||||
| tɕúusum | 13 | khál súm | 60 | ||||
| tɕúpɕi | 14 | khál súm tɕú | 70 | ||||
| tɕéeŋa | 15 | khál ʑì | 80 | ||||
| tɕíiru | 16 | khál ʑì tɕú | 90 | ||||
| tɕúptin | 17 | khál ŋá | 100 | ||||
| tɕápkye | 18 | khál tìn tɕú | 150 | ||||
| tɕúrku | 19 | khál tɕú | 200 | ||||
| khál ɕíi | 20 | khál tɕéeŋa | 300 |
Ordinal numbers are formed by addition of the suffix -pa, or alternatively with the suffix -pu for ordinals relating to people, in Melamchi Yolmo. Ordinals are typically only formed up to 20.
Numeral classifiers
Yolmo also has an optional thál. This is used to emphasise number. In the example in the above, the speaker is emphasising that the hens laid a large number of eggs.Lamjung Yolmo also has the classifier mènda which can only be used with humans.
Adjectives
occur within the. Adjectives usually come after the noun so 'small child' would be pìʑa tɕháme. Adjectives can also occur before the noun, especially in casual speech. Many adjectives are derived from verb forms, and often end with -pu, -po, -pa or -mu, but they do not act as verbs, as we see in languages like Magar and Manage. Hari also notes that there are some adjectives that appear to not have a known verbal origin. Adjectives can occur as the head of a noun phrase, but this is very uncommon.| tɕhómbo | 'big' |
| rìŋbu | 'long' |
| màrmu, màrpu | 'red' |
| kárpu, kármu | 'white' |
| dzìba | 'afraid' |
| ʈòmbo | 'warm' |
It is possible to create a new adjective from a verb, using the -pa nominalising suffix. The verb stem is often reduplicated; rùl- 'to rot' becomes rùl rùlba 'rotten' and pàŋ- 'to be wet' becomes pàŋ pàŋba 'wet'.
Verbs
There are three main types of verbs in Yolmo,, and. The lexical verbs inflect for,, and and can take. The form of verbs takes the suffix -tɕe. The infinitive is used in a number of constructions, including the and.Copula verbs
The copula verbs and their functions are given in the table below. Copulas are not inflected for person, number or politeness level and many do not distinguish tense:dùba
yèken/yèba
dùba
Equation copulas are used to link two noun phrases, while existential copulas are used for functions of existence, location, attribution and possession. Hari describes the forms that end in -pa as more emphatic, unlike lexical verbs with a -pa'' suffix they do not indicate, and are not used exclusively in.
Some copula verbs can also be used as verbal auxiliaries, particularly in constructions, where they contribute evidential, tense or epistemic information. The negative forms of each copula are given in the section on.
Below the different and functions of each copula type are discussed.
Egophoric
The egophoric, or personal, is used to indicate that the speaker has personal knowledge about the information. In the example below, the speaker would not be reading the name of the book, but already know the name as they show it to someone else:Unlike in Standard Tibetan, the speaker does not need to be personally close to an individual to use the egophoric while talking about them.
Different varieties of Yolmo prefer different forms of the egophoric as the default; In Helambu they prefer yìn, in Lamjung yìmba and Ilam yìŋge. yèken is past tense forms of the existential, with the form yèba also often used in past tense structures, as well as questions. The past form cannot be further decomposed, as the form -ken/-ke is the for lexical verbs.
There are some structures where the egophoric is used as the default, such as.
Dubitative
Unlike the other copulas, which mark evidential distinctions, the dubitative copulas are epistemic forms used for reduced certainty. They are related to the for lexical verbs. In the example below, the speaker does not have any direct evidence that Rijan is in the house, but thinks that is where he might be:Perceptual
The perceptual, or sensory, evidential is used to mark information acquired through direct sensory evidence, either through sight, one of the other, or internal state.Hari calls the perceptual forms, as indicating knowledge through sense often occurs for information recently acquired. Only the dùba form, with the emphatic suffix -pa, appears to indicate some amount of surprise or counter-expectation.
General fact
The general fact form is used for uncontroversial and universally known facts. This verb is used in functions of existence, location, attribution and possession, and is not used in equational structures.The form is òŋgen in Melamchi Valley Yolmo and òŋge in Lamjung Yolmo, demonstrating a link with the. The verb itself is from the lexical verb òŋ- 'come'. It cannot be used for facts about the past. This copula is not attested in or any other Tibetic language outside of Yolmo.
Lexical verb stems
The Melamchi Valley variety of Yolmo exhibit verb stem alterations in the context of some verb structures.Verb stems with short front vowels have their vowels lengthened, short back vowels are fronted and lengthened. These changes occur mostly with structures and. Below are some examples of this alternation using the verb má- 'say':
When these structures are negated, the negative prefix is lengthened rather than the verb stem, which maintains the vowel change.
These alterations do not occur in Lamjung Yolmo or Syuba.
Auxiliary verbs
There is a small set of auxiliary verbs in Yolmo. The auxiliary tè- is the same as the lexical verb tè- 'sit' and is used to add imperfective aspect:A subset of the copulas can also be used as verbal auxiliaries; yìn, yè, yèken and dù. These contribute evidential information and for yè/yèken also some tense information. As you can see in the example above the dù copula is being used as an auxiliary, so they can co-occur with the other auxiliaries.
Tense
Yolmo has a major tense distinction between past and non-past. These are marked with suffixes on the lexical verb, -sin is the past tense marker and -ke or -ken is the non-past marker.Past tense
The past tense form is -sin.The past tense form -sin can also occur with the dú in an auxiliary position. This is not possible with the non-past tense suffix, nor can any other copula be used as an auxiliary with the past tense suffix. Hari suggests this structure is inferential, in that the speaker did not have to witness the event, Gawne describes it as 'narrative past'.
Melamchi Valley Yolmo also has a past tense form -kyo that Hari refers to as the 'main-point past/ telling past’, this form is not found in Lamjung Yolmo.
There is also the form -pa, which Hari says is always used in. In Lamjung Yolmo there are some examples where it is used in declaratives rather than questions, with a past-tense meaning.
Non-past tense
The non-past tense is used for both present and future constructions. Hari gives the forms -ke and -ken for Melamchi Valley Yolmo, but only -ke is attested in Lamjung Yolmo.Hari refers to this form as the 'intentional present' but it can also be used in future constructions:
Aspect
There are a number of verb suffixes that are used to mark aspect, these broadly fall into categories of and, as well as. When an aspect form is used, a is also used.Imperfective
The imperfective is used for events that are ongoing or not complete. The -ku suffix is attested in both Melamchi Valley and Lamjung Yolmo. It can only be used with the dù.The imperfective form -teraŋ can be used with either the dù or yè. In Lumjung Yolmo some speakers pronounce it as -tiraŋ. Hari refers to the -teraŋ construction as the 'perfect continuous aspect', because it can be used to refer to something that was ongoing until a particular point, as per this first example:
Gawne describes it as an imperfective, as it does not appear to have this perfect aspect function in Lamjung Yolmo, as per this example:
The can also be used to mark an imperfective construction. Neither -ku nor -teraŋ are used if the negative prefix is on the main verb. The auxiliary verb can be used in negative constructions, and takes the negative prefix, rather than the main verb. In the example below, the -teraŋ imperfective is used as the negative prefix is on the auxiliary:
Perfective
The suffix is used for events that can be described as whole, without reference to the duration like the imperfective. The perfective form in Yolmo is -ti.Multiple verbs with perfective aspect can be used together to create a structure. It is distinct from the -ti.
Habitual
marks that an event is usual, customary or frequent. There is no specific habitual aspect suffix for Yolmo. Speakers will either use a verb with an infinitive, or with no suffix.Mood
Mood is marked in Yolmo with a set of verb suffixes. The main mood suffixes are given in the table belowImperative
The polite imperative suffix is -toŋ. An overt subject is not used, and the same imperative form is used regardless of person or number:The less polite form of the imperative consists of an unmarked verb stem:
There are also a small number of irregular imperatives that are formed without the imperative suffix, particularly sò 'eat!', from sà- 'eat'.
If there is an honorific form of the verb it can be used, unmarked, as the most polite form of the imperative:
The negative form of the imperative uses the mà- form of the with the verb stem. The imperative suffix is not included.
Hortative
Gawne notes two verbal suffix forms for the hortative in Lamjung Yolmo, a -ka and a -tɕo.The -ka form is used with all persons except first person singular.
The suffix remains in negated horatitves:
The -tɕo form is used with first person singular, as well as with other persons. It also remains in negative constructions.
-tɕo appears to be less strong, and tends to be used more frequently. Hari gives the form as -tɕo
Optative
Hari does not list an suffix. Gawne gives the optative -ɲi in Lamjung Yolmo.Hari & Lama list ɲi- as a verb that expresses a 'strong wish’, clearly linking to the Lamjung Yolmo optative form.
Dubitative
Hari describes the as 'probable future', indicating the sense of decreased certainty that the dubitative mood marks. The forms -ʈo, -ɖo and -ro are found in Melamchi Valley Yolmo as part of the, but the -ro form is not found in Lamjung Yolmo.This verb suffix is related to the dubitative form of the copula.
Negation
Negation is marked on lexical verbs by. There are two prefix forms, mè- is for negation in , while mà- is used for past tense, as well as negation of imperatives.The negated forms of copulas are slightly irregular. They are listed in the table below in brackets underneath the regular forms:
'
'
'
yèken/yèba
'
'
'
dùba
'
'
Verb paradigm
Below are verb paradigms for two verbs, the first is the intransitive verb ŋù 'cry' and the second is the transitive verb sà 'eat'. Both are given mostly with third person subject, although this is not particularly important as subject person does not affect the form of the verb. For both verbs you can see the change in verb stem. For dialect specific variation, click on the link back to each specific form.| Form | Syuba | English | Syuba | English | |
| Infinitive | ŋù-dʑe | 'to cry' | sà-tɕe | 'to eat' | |
| Simple non-past | khó ŋù-en | 'he cries' | khói tó sà-en | 'he eats rice' | |
| Simple past | khó ŋù-sin | 'he cried' | khói tó sà-sin | 'he ate rice' | |
| 'Telling' past | khó ŋù-gyo | 'he cried' | khói tó sà-gyo | 'he ate rice' | |
| Past/question form | khó ŋìi-ba | 'did he cry?'/'he cried' | khói tó sèe-ba | 'did he eat rice?'/'he ate rice' | |
| Imperfective | khó ŋù-gu dù | 'he is crying' | khói tó sà-gu dù | 'he is eating rice | |
| Imperfective | khó ŋìi-deraŋ yè | 'he is crying' | khói tó sèe-deraŋ yè | 'he is eating rice | |
| Imperfective | khó ŋìi tè-ku dù | 'he is crying' | khói tó sèe tè-ku dù | 'he is eating rice | |
| Perfective | khó ŋìi-deraŋ yè | 'he has cried' | khói tó sèe-di yè | 'he has eaten rice' | |
| Habitual | khó ŋù yè | 'he cries ' | khói tó sà yè | 'he eats rice ' | |
| Imperative | ŋíi | 'cry!' | tó sò | 'eat the rice!' | |
| Hortative | ŋù-ka / ŋù-tɕo | 'let's cry!' | sà-ka / sà-tɕo | 'let's eat!' | |
| Optative | ŋù-ɲi | 'I want to cry' | sa-ɲi | 'I want to eat' | |
| Dubitative | khó ŋù-ʈo | 'he is probably crying' | khói tó sà-ro | 'he is probably eating rice' | |
| Negative, non-past | khó mà-ŋì | 'he is not crying' | khói tó mè-sà | 'he is not eating rice' | |
| Negative, past | khó mà-ŋì | 'he did not cry' | khói tó mà-sèe | 'he did not eat rice' |
Clause structure
This section outlines some of the main features of the structure of in Yolmo.Nominalisation
is the process by which words undergo a change that allows them to act as nouns. While nominalisation is common process, it is particularly pervasive in, where it can be used for a variety of functions, including the formation of and. The common Bodic nominaliser -pa productively functions in Yolmo as a suffix that can mark, or. There are other nominalising forms in Yolmo.Hari describes a number of nominalisers in Melamchi Valley Yolmo. The first is the nominalising suffix -ka:
A number of other nominalising suffixes that attach to verbs have more specific functions:
In Lamjung Yolmo the most productive nominaliser is -kandi. None of the others described above have been attested. This form is not attested in Hari's description of Melamchi Valley Yolmo, but is probably related to the -ka form described above.
There is also a locative nominaliser -sa, which creates a noun that denotes location:
Adverbials
An modifies the verb in some way.Temporal adverbial subordination
Temporal adverbs can create subordinated clauses.Below is the list of temporal adverbs observed in Yolmo to date, some are independent words, and others are verbal suffixes:
Manner adverbs
Manner adverbs create a subordinated clause that expresses the manner of an action. The manner adverb is lèemu.The forms tíle and dènmu are also found in Lamjung Yolmo, but not yet attested in other varieties.
Conditional
are formed through the use of the suffix -na on the verb in the clause. Speakers will either use the -na suffix directly on the verb, or leave the verb unmarked at attach the -na suffix to the verb meaning ‘say’.Complementation
A is a clause that functions as an argument of another clause. In Yolmo the embedded complement clause takes the infinitive suffix -tɕe.The in Yolmo can also be said to be acting as a complementiser.
Relativisation
A is depended on a main clause. Different relativising strategies are used in the two described varieties of Yolmo. In Melamchi Valley Yolmo the non-past tense form -ken is used for non-past constructions, and the past tense form -kyo is used for past tense constructions. Similarly, in Lamjung Yolmo, -ke-ki can be used for non-past relativised clauses and -pa-ki for past relativised clauses. This difference reflects the fact that the past tense form in Lamjung Yolmo.In Lamjung Yolmo, the nominaliser -kandi can be used to make a relative clause:
Clause chaining
The is used to chain clauses together. Multiple verbs with this suffix can be stacked to create a complex series of events.Question formation
Word order does not change to form questions in Yolmo. Rising intonation at the end of the utterance can indicate it is a question. are used for open content questions.The -pa suffix, which was introduced in the section on is used in question structures.
The reply would be with the regular past tense, and not the -pa suffix:
The used in a question matches the form the question-asked anticipates the question-answerer will use in their answer. That is, if they anticipate the answer will use the perceptual evidential dù, this is the form they will use in asking the question.
Reported speech
Yolmo has two strategies for reporting speech, the first is using the lexical verb má or làp 'say', the second is using the ló.Lexical verb
In Melamchi Valley Yolmo the main lexical verb of saying is má, in Lamjung Yolmo it is làp. Hari and Lama note that làp is found in Melamchi Valley Yolmo, but in restricted use. If the speaker, and the person the speech is directed at are overtly marked, these usually proceed the reported content. The 'say' verb prototypically occurs after the reported content, although if the reported content is quite long the verb may occasionally come before it.The lexical verb 'say' is also used in a number of other constructions, including.
Reported speech evidential
The reported speech particle also indicates that the speaker is reporting a prior utterance, but has a different focus. The reported speech particle does not account for who the speaker way, but instead primarily serves to focus on the fact the information is reported, and not directly witnessed by the speaker. In the example below from Syuba, it is not made explicit if the report comes from Maila, or another person. The reported speech evidential occurs frequently in narratives.This is part of the wider evidential system of Yolmo, which is also found in the above.
Lexical emphasis
There are two emphatic suffixes that can be used with a number of word classes. This is in contrast to the, which is only used with nouns. The first is -ni, and the second is -raŋ, which Hari & Lama note is a frequently used emphatic marker in informal speech. The distinction between all of these forms is unclear, although Hari refers to the -ni form as used for 'moderate focus', so it is perhaps less emphatic for nouns than the -ti suffix.Clause final particles
Yolmo has a series of sentence final that can be used to achieve a range of effects. The table below gives some of the particles in Yolmo and a brief description of their function.The reported speech marker ló is an form, as it indicates the source of the information as someone else. This structure is described in the section on.
Honorifics
Yolmo has a subset of vocabulary which is used when talking to, or about, people of higher social status, particularly . Honorific lexicon includes nouns, verbs and adjectives. The table below gives some examples, including the regular word, the honorific form, and the English translation.The use of honorifics in Syuba and Lamjung Yolmo is not as common, although some speakers still recognise and use these forms.
100 word Swadesh list
Below is a 100 word in Yolmo. The Yolmo forms are taken from Hari and Lama, who note some variation between the Eastern and Western varieties in the Melamchi and Helambu Valley area. Where the form is different in other varieties this is indicated in the right-hand column of the table. This variation shows that the Lamjung variety and Syuba have more in common with each other lexically than they do with the Melamchi Valley variety.item
External resources
- Open access digital collection of Anna Marie Hari's from the 1970s and 1980s at PARADISEC.
- Digital collection of Lauren Gawne's at PARADISEC
- Three open access collections of Syuba, a dialect closely related to Yolmo, digitised from 1970s recordings, documentation by Lauren Gawne, MTC1 a 2013 BOLD documentation by the Mother Tongue Centre Nepal.
Key references
- Clarke, Graham E.. "Lama and Tamang in Yolmo." Tibetan Studies in honor of Hugh Richardson. M. Aris and A. S. S. Kyi. Warminster, Aris and Phillips: 79-86.
- Gawne, Lauren. Lamjung Yolmo-Nepali-English dictionary. Melbourne, Custom Book Centre; The University of Melbourne.
- Hari, Anna Maria & Chhegu Lama. Dictionary Yolhmo-Nepali-English. Kathmandu: Central Department of Linguistics, Tribhuvan University.
- Hari, Anna Maria. Yohlmo Sketch Grammar. Kathmandu: Ekta books.
- Hedlin, Matthew. An Investigation of the relationship between the Kyirong, Yòlmo, and Standard Spoken Tibetan speech varieties. Masters thesis, Payap University, Chiang Mai