Psychological anthropology


Psychological anthropology is an interdisciplinary subfield of anthropology that studies the interaction of cultural and mental processes. This subfield tends to focus on ways in which humans' development and enculturation within a particular cultural group—with its own history, language, practices, and conceptual categories—shape processes of human cognition, emotion, perception, motivation, and mental health. It also examines how the understanding of cognition, emotion, motivation, and similar psychological processes inform or constrain our models of cultural and social processes. Each school within psychological anthropology has its own approach.

History

Psychological Anthropology has been interwoven with anthropology since the beginning.
Wilhelm Wundt was a German psychologist and pioneer in folk psychology. His objectives were to form psychological explanations using the reports of ethnologists. He made different contracting stages such as the 'totemic' stage, the 'age of heroes and gods', and the 'enlightened age of humanity'. Unlike most, Wundt believed that the mind of both 'primitive' and civilised groups had equivalent learning capabilities but that they simply used that capacity in different ways.
Though intimately connected in many ways, the fields of anthropology and psychology have generally remained separate. Where anthropology was traditionally geared towards historical and evolutionary trends, what psychology concerned itself with was more ahistorical and acultural in nature. Psychoanalysis joined the two fields together.
In 1972 Francis L. K. Hsu suggested that the field of culture and personality be renamed 'psychological anthropology'. Hsu considered the original title old fashioned given that many anthropologists regarded personality and culture as the same, or in need of better explanations. During the 1970s and 1980s, psychological anthropology began to shift its focus towards the study of human behaviour in a natural setting.

Schools

Psychoanalytic anthropology

This school is based upon the insights of Sigmund Freud and other psychoanalysts as applied to social and cultural phenomena. Adherents of this approach often assumed that techniques of child-rearing shaped adult personality and that cultural symbols could be interpreted using psychoanalytical theories and techniques. The latter included interviewing techniques based on clinical interviewing, the use of projective tests such as the TAT and the Rorschach, and a tendency towards including case studies of individual interviewees in their ethnographies. A major example of this approach was the Six Cultures Study under John and Beatrice Whiting in Harvard's Department of Social Relations. This study examined child-rearing in six very different cultures.
Some practitioners look specifically at mental illness cross-culturally or at the ways in which social processes such as the oppression of ethnic minorities affect mental health, while others focus on the ways in which cultural symbols or social institutions provide defense mechanisms or otherwise alleviate psychological conflicts. Some have also examined the cross-cultural applicability of psychoanalytic concepts such as the Oedipus complex.
Others who might be considered part of this school are a number of scholars who, although psychoanalysts, conducted fieldwork or used psychoanalytic techniques to analyze materials gathered by anthropologists.
Because many American social scientists during the first two-thirds of the 20th century had at least a passing familiarity with psychoanalytic theory, it is hard to determine precisely which ones should be considered primarily as psychoanalytic anthropologists. Many anthropologists who studied personality drew heavily on psychoanalysis; most members of the "culture and personality school" of psychological anthropology did so.
In recent years, psychoanalytic and more broadly psychodynamic theory continues to influence some psychological anthropologists and have contributed significantly to such approaches as person-centered ethnography and clinical ethnography. It thus may make more sense to consider psychoanalytic anthropology since the latter part of the 20th century as more a style or a set of research agendas that cut across several other approaches within anthropology.
See also: Robert I. Levy, Ari Kiev.

Culture and personality

Personality is the overall characteristics that a person possesses. All of these characteristics are acquired within a culture. However, when a person changes his or her culture, his or her personality automatically changes because the person learns to follow the norms and values of the new culture, and this, in turn, influences the individual's personal characteristics.

Configurationalist approach

This approach describes a culture as a personality; that is, interpretation of experiences, guided by symbolic structure, creates personality which is "copied" into the larger culture. Leading figures include Ruth Benedict, A. Irving Hallowell, and Margaret Mead.

Basic and modal personality

Major figures include John Whiting and Beatrice Whiting, Cora DuBois, and Florence Kluckhohn.

[National character]

Leading figures include sociologist Alex Inkeles and anthropologist Clyde Kluckhohn.

Ethnopsychology

Major figures: Vincent Crapanzano, Georges Devereux, :fr:Tobie Nathan|Tobie Nathan, Catherine Lutz, Michelle Zimbalist Rosaldo, Renato Rosaldo, Charles Nuckolls, Bradd Shore, and Dorinne K. Kondo

Cognitive anthropology

Cognitive anthropology takes a number of methodological approaches, but generally draws on the insights of cognitive science in its model of the mind. A basic premise is that people think with the aid of schemas, units of culturally shared knowledge that are hypothesized to be represented in the brain as networks of neural connections. This entails certain properties of cultural models, and may explain both part of the observed inertia of cultural models and patterns of association.
Roy D'Andrade sees the history of cognitive anthropology proper as divisible into four phases. The first began in the 1950s with the explicit formulation of culture as knowledge by anthropologists such as Ward Goodenough and Anthony Wallace. From the late 1950s through the mid-1960s, attention focused on categorization, componential analysis, and native or folk systems of knowledge, as well as discoveries in patterns of color naming by Brent Berlin and Paul Kay. During the 1950s and 1960s, most of the work in cognitive anthropology was carried out at Yale, University of Pennsylvania, Stanford, Berkeley, University of California, Irvine, and the Harvard Department of Social Relations. The third phase looked at types of categories and cultural models, drawing on schema theory, linguistic work on metaphor. The current phase, beginning in the 1990s, has seen more focus on the problem of how cultural models are shared and distributed, as well as on motivation, with significant work taking place at UC San Diego, UCLA, UC Berkeley, University of Connecticut, and Australian National University, among others.
Currently, different cognitive anthropologists are concerned with how groups of individuals are able to coordinate activities and "thinking" ; with the distribution of cultural models ; with conflicting models within a culture ; or the ways in which cultural models are internalized and come to motivate behavior. Some cognitive anthropologists continue work on ethnoscience, most notably in collaborative field projects with cognitive and social psychologists on culturally universal versus culturally particular models of human categorization and inference and how these mental models hinder or help social adaptations to natural environments. Others focus on methodological issues such as how to identify cultural models. Related work in cognitive linguistics and semantics also carries forward research on the Sapir–Whorf hypothesis and looks at the relationship between language and thought.

Psychiatric anthropology

While not forming a school in the sense of having a particular methodological approach, a number of prominent psychological anthropologists have addressed significant attention to the interaction of culture and mental health or mental illness, ranging through the description and analysis of culture-bound syndromes ; the relationship between cultural values or culturally mediated experiences and the development or expression of mental illness ; to the training of mental health practitioners and the cultural construction of mental health as a profession, and more recently to the cultural creation of a "pharmaceutical self" in a globalizing world. Recent research focuses on specific relationships between History, conscience, cultural Self and suffering. Some of these have been primarily trained as psychiatrists rather than anthropologists: Abram Kardiner, Arthur Kleinman, Robert I. Levy, Roberto Beneduce, Roland Littlewood. Further research has been done on genetic predisposition, family's contribution to the genesis of psychopathology, and the contribution of environmental factors such as tropical diseases, natural catastrophes, and occupational hazards.

Today

During most of the history of modern anthropology, psychological anthropology has been a relatively small though productive subfield. D'Andrade, for instance, estimates that the core group of scholars engaged in active research in cognitive anthropology, have numbered some 30 anthropologists and linguists, with the total number of scholars identifying with this subfield likely being less than 200 at any one time.
At present, relatively few universities have active graduate training programs in psychological anthropology. These include:
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Also, social medicine and cross-cultural/transcultural psychiatry programs at:
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