M. A. G. Osmani
Muhammad Ataul Goni Osmani, also known as Bongobir, was a Bengali military leader. He served as Commander-in-chief of Bangladesh Forces during the 1971 Bangladesh War of Independence. Osmani's career spanned five decades, beginning with service in the British Indian Army in 1939. He fought in Burma during World War II, and served in the Pakistan Army until 1967. Osmani was appointed head of the Bengali armed resistance in 1971 by the Provisional Government of Bangladesh, and he is regarded as the founder of the Bangladesh Armed Forces. Osmani retired from the Army in 1972.
Osmani entered politics in independent Bangladesh, serving as a member of parliament and cabinet minister in the government of Sheikh Mujibur Rahman. He resigned from the government after opposing the creation of BAKSAL.
Early life
Osmani was born to a landowning family in Sunamganj, Assam Province, British India, on 1 September 1918. He was a descendant of Shah Nizamuddin Osmani, a 14th-century associate of Shah Jalal. His ancestral village is in Dayamir Union within Osmani Nagar Upazila of Sylhet District.Osmani attended Cotton School in Sylhet, matriculating at Sylhet Government Pilot High School in 1934. He studied English and Persian. He won the Pritoria Prize for excellence in English. Osmani studied geography at Aligarh Muslim University, and graduated in 1938. He enrolled as a cadet at the Indian Military Academy the following year.
Military career
When he joined the British Indian Army, Osmani was a member of the 4th Urban Infantry from 1939 to 1940. On 5 October 1940, he received an emergency commission as a second lieutenant in the Royal Indian Army Service Corps. Osmani was initially attached to the 2nd Battalion, Duke of Wellington Regiment, which was tasked with a New Delhi depot. After he completed the Short Mechanical Transport Course and Junior Tactical Course, he was attached to a mechanical transport battalion of the XV Corps and posted to Burma during World War II.British Indian Army (1941–1947)
Osmani was promoted to the ranks of war-substantive lieutenant and temporary captain on 17 February 1941. He received a battlefield promotion to acting major on 23 February 1942, with further promotions to war-substantive captain on 23 May. Between 1941 and 1945, he held the posts of platoon commander, battalion adjutant, company 2IC and battalion commander. From November 1944 to February 1945, Osmani was a grade-two general staff officer at his formation headquarters, completing the Senior Officers Course after the war.He was attached to British Indian Army HQ Bihar and Orissa Area from May to July 1946. On 13 July 1946, Osmani was granted a regular commission in the British Indian Army, with a promotion to substantive captain on 5 October 1946. He subsequently completed the Senior Officers Course in February 1947, and was promoted to local lieutenant colonel. He was posted to British Indian Army GHQ in Simla in the Quartermaster General and Ordnance Branches until August 1947. From August to 6 October 1947 he served as GSO-2 at the HQ of Claude Auchinleck in New Delhi. Although Osmani had passed the Indian Civil Service examination, he declined a foreign-service position in 1947 to remain with the Pakistan Army. He witnessed the end of the British Indian Army, representing Pakistan during the division of army assets between India and Pakistan.
Pakistan Army
After the 1947 birth of India and Pakistan in 1947, Osmani joined the Pakistan Army on 7 October 1947. He was promoted to acting lieutenant colonel on 7 January 1948. He was assigned to general-staff headquarters as GSO-1, Coordination, Planning and Personnel.Osmani attended the Long Term Staff Course at the Quetta Staff College and served with Yahya Khan, Tikka Khan and A. A. K. Niazi, all of whom led the Pakistan Army against his Bangladesh forces in 1971. After completing the course, Osmani joined the staff of army chief of staff Reginald Hutton in January 1949 and recommended the establishment of cadet colleges in East Pakistan. He later became an assistant adjutant general.
Infantry
After serving as a staff officer for eight years, Osmani joined the Pakistan Army infantry. With a rank of major and after induction training, he joined the 5/14 Punjab. He was posted as 2IC and company commander of the 5th Punjab Battalion of the 14th Punjab Regiment, part of a brigade commanded by Ayub Khan, in 1950. Osmani became commander of the 105th Brigade Training Team in January 1951 and commander of the 5/14 Punjab in May, followed by a four-month tour of duty in Kashmir and Waziristan.Osmani disagreed with Commander-in-Chief of the Pakistan Army Gen. Ayub Khan over the treatment of Ishfakul Majid, the senior Bengali army officer in who was falsely accused in the Rawalpindi conspiracy and forced to resign. In August 1951 Osmany left 5/14 Punjab and was posted as third CO of the 1st East Bengal Regiment, the first Bengali to hold the post, in October.
East Pakistan (1950–1956)
Osmani became the CO of the 1st East Bengal Regiment, stationed in Jessore as part of the 107th Brigade, on 8 November 1951. He chose Bengali songs for regimental marching and its band, and the Brotochari became the regimental dance. Osmani ordered his NCOs to submit daily situation reports in Bangla. This display of Bengali culture was frowned on by his Punjabi superiors, who disliked the adoption of what they saw as Hindu culture. Osmani was commandant of the East Bengal Regimental Center in Chittagong from February 1953 to January 1955.He commanded the 107th Brigade in Jessore from April to October 1953, rejoining 1 EBR as CO until February 1954. After Osmani completed the GHQ law course and left the EBRC, he became an additional commandant of the East Pakistan Rifles under the provincial government of East Bengal in March 1955. In the EPR, he expanded the recruitment of non-Bengali minority groups and ended recruiting from West Pakistan.
GHQ Pakistan
Osmani was promoted to lieutenant colonel and became a senior advisor at CENTO headquarters in Baghdad as part of the Pakistan military delegation from December 1955 to May 1956. He was promoted to acting colonel in May 1956, joining the Pakistan Army GHQ at Rawalpindi as deputy director for military operations. In August and September 1957 he served as an acting brigadier, serving as DDMO until May 1966. Osmani received the permanent rank of colonel in 1961, and received advanced weapons training in the United States three years later. He served under Gul Hassan Khan in 1964, who felt that Osmani had been passed over for promotion. Khan allowed him to focus on the Bengal regiments.By 1958 Osmani was deputy director of the general staff and then deputy director of military operations under Yahya Khan, a position he held until his retirement eight years later. Although he reached the rank of colonel in the first decade of his career, during the next decade he did not receive a promotion. During Osmani's tenure as DDMO in the General Staff Branch, he was a Pakistan Army advisor at CENTO, SEATO and Pakistan Air Defense Committee meetings.
Bengali recruitment bottleneck
Pakistan mustered six infantry divisions and one armored brigade after the division of the British Indian army in 1947. These formations were neither fully equipped nor staffed. The number of Bengali officers and soldiers in the Pakistan armed forces was small, due to the British preference for recruiting from the martial races and the departure of many non-Muslim Bengali personnel for the Indian Army. The Pakistan Army raised two battalions of the East Bengal Regiment from 1947 to 1950, and Punjab regiments were inherited from the British Indian Army. The Azad Kashmir Regiment was created soon after the Indo-Pakistani War of 1947.When Osmani joined GHQ in 1956, three East Bengal regiments and the East Bengal Regimental Centre were part of the Pakistan Army. Over the next nine years the number of Punjab regiments grew reached almost 50, the Frontier Force and Baluch Regiments grew. Many senior army officers believed in the martial-race theory, and considered Bengalis poor military material. Bengali recruits, generally smaller in stature than West Pakistanis, often failed to meet minimum physical requirements. Many Pakistani officers favored mixed regiments over Bengali ones and some officers felt that increasing the number of Bengali formations threatened Army unity.
Role in 1965 war
Osmani was sidelined by the Pakistani generals, despite his service as DDMO during the Indo-Pakistani War of 1965. Instead he devoted himself to the East Bengal regiments. He complained that the Pakistani press suppressed the contributions of his 1st Bengal unit, which was posted in Kasur during the war. Successive Bengali and non-Bengali COs of the 1 EBR built on Osmani's foundation, and under the command of A. T. K. Haque its battalion received 17 awards for gallantry —the largest number of awards of any Pakistan unit in the war. When Osmani visited the unit and recommended a Nishan-e-Haider for a member, he was reportedly furious when the battalion CO disregarded his recommendation. He organized Bengal regimental reunions, seizing every opportunity to enhance the reputation of Bengali units.After the war, Osmani chaired the committee tasked with determining future army-reserve and logistical requirements and was president of the Army Sports Control Board from July 1965 to April 1966. On 16 May 1966, he went on leave prior to retirement. Osmani's successor as DDMO was Rao Farman Ali, who played a controversial role in the 1971 Bangladesh War. Ali was reportedly horrified at Osmani's treatment by the army; his office was run-down, Osmani was kept out of the loop and office employees treated him with disdain. According to Ali, Osmani was not promoted because he was Bengali and deemed untrustworthy by the high command.
Retirement and continued influence
Osmani retired from the Pakistan Armed Forces on 16 February 1967. Although he had failed to increase the number of Bengal regiments, the Pakistani high command put the existing regiments through a battery of exercises in West Pakistan to test their adaptability and combat readiness. The evaluator of the exercises said the Bengali units performed well, their pride in representing East Pakistan a component of their success, and opposed their replacement with mixed regiments.The Pakistani high command did not increase the number of Bengali units until 1969, when the number of Bengal regiments were increased to 10 and all new units were ordered to ensure a minimum 25-percent annual Bengali representation among their recruits. Osmani, known as "Papa Tiger", was revered by the Bengali troops because of his efforts on their behalf. Although he was not the senior Bengali officer and did not reach the highest Bengali rank in the Pakistani army, Osmani, Wasiuddin and M. H. Mozumdar were patrons of the Bengali troops.
Political activity
Osmani was not directly involved in the Agartala Conspiracy Case. Those involved sought his opinion through Khandker Nazmul Huda, and Osmani recommended a political solution for the discrimination faced by Bengalis in Pakistan. He had been questioned in 1958, before the trials began, on issues related to the case.Awami League candidate
After his retirement Osmani entered East Pakistani politics, joining Sheikh Mujibur Rahman's All Pakistan Awami Muslim League in 1970. As an Awami League candidate, he was elected to the national assembly from the Balaganj-Fenchuganj Upazila area of Sylhet. Osmani did not serve as a Pakistani MNA, because after the beginning of the Bangladesh War of Independence he joined its provisional government.Bangladesh War of Independence
Osmani and Ishfakul Majid formed part of the military advisory team for the Awami League leadership in 1971. As the political crisis deepened in March, many Bengali officers of the Pakistan Armed Forces looked to Bengali politicians for guidance and Osmani coordinated the clandestine meetings. Bengali military officers, alarmed by the buildup of Pakistani forces and concerned about their own safety, maintained contact with Rahman; some maintained contact with Awami League leaders through Osmani, who reportedly agreed to coordinate the activities of Bengali units. Toeing the party line, he advised the officers against "rash" actions.Operation Searchlight
Before the crackdown the student and youth wings of the Awami League set up training camps and trained volunteers with Bengali helpers and student cadets. The league leadership declared independence on 7 March 1971. Bengali ex-servicemen held rallies supporting independence; officers and troops kept abreast of the political situation in East Pakistan, which was becoming uncertain and confrontational. Majid and Osmani reportedly designed a military plan of action: capture the Dhaka airport and Chittagong seaport, sealing off the province. The EPR and police would capture Dhaka, aided by Awami League volunteers, and cantonments would be neutralized by Bengali soldiers. Bengali officers advised sabotaging the fuel dumps at Narayanganj and Chittagong to ground Pakistani air power and cripple armed-force mobility.The Awami League leadership, attempting a political solution, did not endorse action or preparation for conflict by Bengali soldiers before the crackdown. Warnings by Bengali officers that the Pakistan Army was preparing to strike were ignored, and junior Bengali officers were told by their superiors to be prudent and avoid political issues.
The Pakistan Army caught the Bengali political leadership and soldiers by surprise. Resistance to Operation Searchlight was spontaneous and disorganized, and nearly all the Awami League leadership fled to Calcutta. Bengali soldiers were largely unaware of the larger situation; many units performed routine duties as late as 31 March, rebelling only under Pakistani attack. A general amnesty for Bengali troops suggested by Pakistani generals on 31 March was ignored. Group Captain A.K. Khandkar witnessed the departure of Yahia and warned Sheikh Mujibur Rahman of Pakistani troop movements. His 26 March declaration of independence was largely unnoticed. No countrywide communication reached Bengali soldiers to begin the uprising; they rebelled when they were attacked or heard news of the Pakistani attack.
Osmani was at the home of Sheikh Mujibur Rahman when Bengali officers informed Awami League leaders of Yahia Khan's departure and the army movements. After Rahman refused to go into hiding, Osmani hid in Dhaka until 29 March, shaved off his mustache and left for the Indian border. He went to Jingira, then by boat to Daudkandi. Osmani walked and crossed the Gomoti by boat, reaching India by 2 April 1971.
Meetings at Teliapara
Osmani arrived at Teliapara, where the 2nd and 4th East Bengal Regiments established a temporary base with a member of the BSF on 2 April 1971. He held a meeting of Bengali officers on 4 April, attended by M. A. Rab, 2 EBR CO K. M. Shafiullah, 4 EBR CO Khaled Musharraf, 8 EBR CO Ziaur Rahman, Salahuddin Reza, Qazi Nurujjaman and Shafat Jamil. Osmani proposed that the 2nd and 4th EBR occupy Comilla, and asked Jaman to formulate a fireplan. After objections by other officers that the battalions would incur crippling losses, the proposal was dropped.Zia proposed that all available forces surround Chittagong, to hold the area as long as possible; this idea was also dropped as impractical. The commanders agreed to send two companies to aid the 8th EBR under Ziaur Rahman.
Five sector commanders were appointed by Osmani: Ziaur Rahman, Khaled Musharraf, K M Shafiullah, Abu Osman Chowdhury and Salahuddin Reza. On 7 April, he instructed Q. N. Jaman to oversee operations in Sylhet. The officers agreed that a government in exile should be formed, with the Bengali forces under its authority.
Osmani toured Mukti Bahini positions in Sylhet, and on 9 April he visited Aziz with 2 EBR Charlie Company near Sylhet. That day another conference took place, attended by Director General Rustomji of the BSF and Bengali officers. At the meeting Osmani was elected commander of Bengali forces, and an agreement was reached with Indian officers on logistical assistance. The need to form a Government in exile was agreed, to distinguish the struggle from a mere military revolt. The conference abruptly adjourned when Osmani left after he heard that five PAF jets were inbound. The following day, three more sector commanders were appointed: Nazmul Huq and captains for Rangpur-Dinajpur and Barisal. The Pakistan Army appointed A. A. K. Niazi GOC for East Pakistan the same day. On 12 April, the Bengali government in exile at Agartola appointed Osmani commander of the Mukti Bahini. With the formation of the Bangladesh government on 17 April 1971, he was reinstated to active duty and appointed commander-in-chief.
Early activities as commander-in-chief
Osmani took command of the Mukhti Bahini after 17 April 1971. Since the Bengali forces were geographically isolated and lacked command staffs and a communications network, real-time command was impossible. Osmani allowed the sector commanders to fight as they saw fit, while he toured the sectors and met with Indian officials in New Delhi and Kolkata concerning weapons and communications. Although India did not offer material aid, it helped design Mukhti Bahini structure and expressed the possibility of future Indian intervention.The Bengalis put up an unexpectedly stiff resistance, derailing the initial Pakistani estimate of pacifying East Pakistan by 10 April. Their initial success was unsustainable. They began experiencing a lack of trained men, officers, coordination, a central command structure and supplies although most of the country was still free of Pakistani control. The Pakistani Army airlifted its 9th and 16th Infantry Divisions to Bangladesh by 10 April, and was poised to seize the initiative. Amir Abdullah Khan Niazi, after a briefing by the departing East Pakistan GOC, implemented a strategy to clear all large cities of insurgents and secure Chittagong; to control and open all river, road and rail networks; to drive the insurgents away from the country's interior, and to launch combing operations across Bangladesh to wipe out the insurgency.
Bengali field commanders adopted a strategy of "holding as much area for as long as possible". The Bengali political leadership hoped to keep the Pakistanis confined to the cities, while the government in exile sought diplomatic recognition and the resistance prepared for guerrilla warfare and awaited expected Indian military intervention.
Indian involvement
The Pakistan opposed military action against civilians in East Pakistan out of concern for an Indian attack. After the crackdown, Tajuddin Ahmed met with Indian Prime Minister Indira Gandhi on 3 April and requested additional aid. BSF was offering limited aid to the resistance. The case for intervention was based on the fact that until 10 April, most of Bangladesh was outside Pakistani control; troops were confined to a few cities and faced stiff resistance. The eastern Indian naval contingent was stronger than Pakistan's, and could have blockaded Bangladesh. Pakistani forces, flying in reinforcements from West Pakistan from 26 March to 2 May, depended on supply depots in Dhaka, Chittagong and Narayanganj for fuel and ammunition. the Indian army's adequacy and suitability, logistics, the possibility of a war lasting into monsoon season and India's international appearance as an aggressor.Although some Bengali leaders and Indian officers expected prompt Indian military intervention, Sam Manekshaw explained to the Indian cabinet that the army's Eastern Command would not be ready until 15 November at the earliest. The Indian government chose involvement over intervention; Eastern Command took over East Pakistan operations on 29 April, and on 15 May it launched Operation Jackpot to arm, train, equip, supply and advise the Mukti Bahini. An Indian diplomat told Osmani that an expectation of Indian armed intervention in April was unrealistic.
Rebuilding the Mukti Bahini
From April to June Osmani toured to boost morale and gather information, meeting with his Indian counterparts and setting up the Bangladeshi command structure. The Indian Army launched Operation Jackpot; by mid-June Bengali soldiers were driven into India, developing the infrastructure for a sustained, coordinated guerrilla campaign. Although the Bengali high command had begun to rebuild and redeploy Mukti Bahini units in mid-May, in June and July, Mukti Bahini activity slacked off and the insurgency faltered. Running the war was difficult because of the shortage of trained officers. From 17,000 active-duty Bengali soldiers who faced Pakistan on 25 March 1971, about 4,000 were taken prisoner.A sector coordinators' conference, chaired by Prime Minister Tajuddin Ahmad, was held by the government in exile from 10 to 15 July. Osmani was absent on the first day of the conference, since he had resigned as commander-in-chief the previous day. A group of Bengali officers had discussed the creation of a war council, headed by Ziaur Rahman with the sector commanders as members, and Osmani was expected to become defence minister. The plan, presented by Q. N. Zaman and supported by Ziaur Rahman, was for a separate operational wing to run the war and lessen the burden on Osmani. Osmani, possibly misinterpreting its intent, resigned, but returned to his post the following day. The conference defined the operational area, strength, command structure and role of the Mukti Bahini. Osmani remained commander-in-chief with M. A. Rab as chief of staff and A. K. Khandker as deputy chief of staff. Bangladesh was divided into 11 combat sectors, with commanders selected for each. Of the eleven proposed sectors eight were organized and active by July, with sectors five and eleven following in August. Sector 10 was never activated, and it was incorporated into sector one.
The Mukti Bahini was divided into regular forces and freedom fighters. The regular forces consisted of defecting Bengali soldiers and retired Pakistan Army and EPR personnel. They were organised into three battalions, later known as Z, K and S Force. The shortage of trained regular troops meant that most of the forces were former EPR troops or new recruits. Trained army, EPR and police personnel were formed into sector troops: lightly armed conventional units commanded by army officers. The freedom fighters were primarily deployed within Bangladesh.
Strategy
Although Osmani made strategy decisions and liaised with Indian officers from July to December 1971, he did not organize an operation like the Tet Offensive or lead a battle similar to Dien Bien Phu as commander-in-chief. His strategy influenced his leadership style, and he relied on his background in the Southeast Asian sector during World War II.On 15 May the Indian Army began to help build the liberation force, and an Indian officer was appointed liaison between the Bangladesh government in exile and the Indian Army. Khaled Musharraf and Osmani met at Teliapara in Sylhet District and prepared a paper on war strategy. Osmani's differed with the Indian Army on the size of the Mukti Bahini; the Bangladesh government had hoped to raise a regular force of 30,000 soldiers and 100,000 guerrillas in 1971, which the Indians thought unrealistic.
July–September 1971
Osmani was a conventional soldier with orthodox views, and his initial strategy reflected his background. Uncertainty over the timing, scope and scale of Indian military intervention was another influence. Osmani decided to raise a conventional force of regular battalions and use them to free an area around Sylhet, organizing countrywide guerrilla activity as a secondary effort. The Bangladesh government in exile asked Osmani to use the one abundant resource available, and he did not object to the plan of sending thousands of guerrillas into Bangladesh with minimal training. It was hoped that some of the guerrillas would attain expertise through experience.The Indian planners were concerned that a hastily raised force would lack the trained leadership needed for an effective campaign. They had envisioned a force of about 8,000 with at least three to four months of training, led by EBR and EPR personnel, to begin small-cell operations in Bangladesh by August 1971.
Osmani's stubbornness irritated the Indians, who considered Khandkar easier to work with. Although they raised three additional battalions and three artillery batteries, they insisted that the guerrillas be given due attention and Osmani did not object. He disagreed with the Indians on the location of the free area; they suggested Mymensingh, but Osmani opted for Sylhet and got his way. While the EBR battalions prepared, in July the Mukti Bahini began deploying 2,000-5,000 guerrillas in Bangladesh each month. At the sector commanders' meeting, the Mukti Bahini agreed to increase raids and ambushes and destroy power stations, railway lines, storage depots, communications systems, bridges and culverts, fuel depots, trains and watercraft to thin out Pakistani forces and increase their vulnerability.
Action and reaction (June–September)
The Pakistan army, after expelling the Mukti Bahini from Bangladesh by May 1971, experienced relative peace in June and July. Mukti Bahini activity had lessened during the months of preparation. The Indian army began shelling border outposts was raised from West Pakistani and Bihari volunteers, Razakars, Al-Badr and Al Shams. Five thousand police were flown in from West Pakistan.Pakistani authorities continued their campaign, rejecting calls for political compromise and a general amnesty. The army deployed in the towns, and the paramilitary units were deployed in the countryside. EPCAF took over the border-control and internal-security duties of the defunct EPR. Pakistani forces occupied 90 crucial border outposts. Ad hoc units were often created by adding EPCAF troops and Razakars to a skeleton army formation for deployment in forward areas.
Monsoon Offensive
Mukti Bahini numbers and activity began increasing in June, the Pakistan Army deployed Razakars and the EPCAF. Unable to match the Indians shell for shell, they relied on barrages in selected areas and developed an intelligence network. Denied permissio to launch preemptive cross-border strikes, artillery ambushes were laid for Mukti Bahini infiltrators and demining operations conducted. Bengali regular forces attacked BOPs in Mymensingh Comilla and Sylhet with mixed results, and Pakistani authorities concluded that they had contained the Monsoon Offensive.The sector commanders reviewed Mukti Bahini activities from June to August, and Osmani made an overall assessment in September. The findings were disappointing; their network had not taken root, with many guerrillas withdrawing under Pakistani pressure. Amid Mukti Bahini supply problems, Bangladesh was losing ground in the international arena. Although regular Bengali regular troops attacked the BoPs with spirit, more training, better communication and coordination with the Indian Army were needed for a successful conventional campaign. The attack on Kamalpur by the 1st EBR was repulsed, but the 3rd EBR attack on Bahadurabad was successful; attacks by the 2nd, 11th and 4th EBR had mixed results.
The failure of the Monsoon Offensive required the Bangladeshi high command to rethink their strategy. Osmani initially considered dismantling the Z, K and S Forces, sending platoons from the forces to aid the Mukti Bahini. Although his associates prevailed against this, he deployed the Z Force battalions to aid the Mukti Bahini around Sylhet.
Leadership style
Osmani did not micro-manage, delegating responsibility to the shorthanded sector commanders; the distance between Kolkata and the sector HQs and the absence of direct links gave him little choice. The absence of an integrated command structure made it impossible to quickly implement strategy. Osmani lived a Spartan life, wore simple clothes, ate soldiers' food and used camp furniture in Kolkata during the war, acting as an example for his men.He insisted on protocol when dealing with his Indian counterparts. As commander-in-chief, Osmani's position equaled that of Sam Manekshaw; to the Indians, his stubbornness in dealing with the lieutenant generals made him difficult to work with. He was pragmatic enough not to allow protocol to impede the war effort, and did not see Indians working through Khandker as circumventing his authority.
With a brusque manner and volatile temper, Osmani sometimes criticised subordinates in public. He discussed the framework of the future Bangladesh army and other issues unrelated to the war while touring the front, to the bemusement and irritation of fellow officers. Osmani opposed politicising the Bangladesh forces, appointing officers on merit. Although only Awami League members were initially recruited for the Mukti Bahini for security reasons, in September Osmani opened recruitment to all willing to fight for Bangladesh. Although sector commanders had previously recruited Awami League nonmembers, Osmani turned a blind eye.
He used his image and place in the Bangladesh forces to his advantage. Osmani's problem-solving ability was limited to the agenda of India and the Bangladesh government in exile. He would often break a deadlock by threatening to resign. Osmani's bluff was called only once; when Bangladesh forces were placed under the joint command headed by J. S. Aurora, Ahmed agreed to accept a written resignation and Osmani dropped the issue.
Controversies
Mujib Bahini
Although Osmani was commander-in-chief of all Bangladesh forces, a number of units were beyond his control. Bengali fighters raised bands to fight the Pakistanis in several areas of Bangladesh, and they operated independently. Although Osmani was unconcerned, the Mujib Bahini worried the Bangladesh government in exile. The Mujib Bahini leadership, initially allowed by Osmani to recruit students and other youths, had an organized, well-armed, trained force with a primary allegiance to Sheikh Mujibur Rahman and their commanders rather than the Bangladesh government.No one doubted the skill of the Mujib Bahini or their commitment to Bangladesh. Trained by Sujan Singh Uban, an Indian Army insurgency expert, they operated under the direction of the R&AW and outside the Bangladesh chain of command. Mujib Bahini members were better trained and armed than their Mukti Bahini counterparts. The Bangladeshi government and military leadership were concerned because most Mujib Bahini recruits were former Mukti Bahini members. Mujib Bahini activities often hindered Mukti Bahini operations, creating misunderstanding and distrust. Clashes occurred between the groups, and the Indian Army and other organizations supporting the Bengali resistance were dissatisfied with Mujib Bahini activity.
The government in exile unsuccessfully attempted to bring the Mujib Bahini under Osmani by diplomatic means, approaching R&AW director Ramnath Kao. By August it was clear that their independence was detrimental to the war effort. Osmani threatened to resign unless they were brought within the chain of command. A meeting with Durga Prasad Dhar on 29 August produced an agreement that Mujib Bahini would inform sector commanders before beginning operations. After another meeting with Ramnath Kao on 18 September, R&AW did not relinquish their control of the Mujib Bahini.
On 21 October Prime Minister Tajuddin Ahmed met with Indira Gandhi, who ordered Dhar to resolve the issue. He told B. N. Sarkar to meet with Mujib Bahini leaders and take the necessary steps. Although the leaders did not attend the meeting, the Mujib Bahini halted their disruptive activities. They and the Special Frontier Force under Uban liberated Rangamati in December and helped the Indians dismantle the insurgent Mizo network.
Absence from surrender ceremony
Osmani was not in Dhaka for the surrender ceremony on 16 December 1971. His helicopter, flying from Sylhet, was hit in midair by gunfire and crash-landed in a field. After the crash, the injured Osmani and his crew were rescued by an Indian surveillance jeep. Out of touch with Indian and Bangladeshi HQ, he could not reach Dhaka in time for the ceremony.Medals
The Bangladeshi government issued four medals of valor to the freedom fighters: the Bir Sreshtho, Bir Uttom, Bir Bikrom and Bir Protik. The list of recipients was made by Osmani and several sector commanders at the beginning of 1972. When it was published, it was criticised and initially cancelled; Osmani was accused of bias for supporting the list.Bangladesh Army general
After the war ended with the surrender of the Pakistan armed forces to the joint command of India and Bangladesh on 16 December 1971, Osmani arrived in Dhaka on 22 December and set up his HQ. On 9 January 1972, he arranged an honor guard to greet Sheikh Mujibur Rahman on his return to Tezgaon Airport. The Bangladeshi government decided promoted him to a two-star ranked officer through a battlefield promotion to maintain the chain of command in the army. He was promoted on 7 April 1972, effective retroactively on 16 December 1971.Sector commander conference (2–11 January 1972)
Osmani and the Mukti Bahini senior sector commanders met in Dhaka from 2 to 11 January 1972 to discuss the future of the Bangladesh armed forces and other issues. Wounded sector-eleven commander Abu Taher and the commander of the closed sector nine were not present. A committee was set up to form a national militia from the Mukti Bahini and members of the former East Pakistan Rifles. Sector-three commander A. N. M. Nuruzzaman was chosen to command the militia.The armed forces were reorganized, with Army, Navy, Air Force and Police personnel ordered to join their respective organizations and former EPR members joining the new National Militia.
Disturbance at Pilkhana
On 16 February 1972, tension between Mukti Bahini members and former EPR members who had not fought in the war erupted into a shootout in Pilkhana. Although Osmani was informed of the incident, he was unable to enter Pilkhana due to the ongoing gunfire. The firing stopped at the arrival of President Mujibur Rahman, and Osmani and Rahman defused the situation. It was decided to keep the EPR intact as the Bangladesh Rifles and create another force, Jatiya Rakkhi Bahini, from the Mukti Bahini members. In April 1972 the Bangladeshi government abolished the post of commander-in-chief, replacing it with a Chief of Army Staff, Chief of Air Staff and Chief of Naval Staff to separate the services' command structures.Cabinet minister
Although Osmani may have hoped to become defense minister, when the government abolished the post of commander-in-chief he retired from the Army on 7 April and was appointed Minister for Air and Inland Water Transport five days later.Osmani resigned from the cabinet in May 1975, after the introduction of a one-party government in accordance with the fourth amendment to the constitution. He and Mainul Hosein resigned from the Awami League in protest of the abolition of democracy in Bangladesh by Sheikh Mujibur Rahman. Osmani briefly was an advisor to the president on 29 August 1975, after Rahman's assassination.
Army chief of staff
M. A. Rab, the first Chief of Staff of the Bangladesh Army, was promoted to major general and retired on 7 April 1972. Osmani, reportedly consulted about his successor, recommended K. M. Shafiullah. The four serving senior army officers who joined Mukti Bahini in March 1971 from the Pakistan Army were Salahuddin Mohammad Reza, C. R. Dutta, Ziaur Rahman and Shafiullah.Ziaur Rahman joined the war on 25 March 1971, and Shafiullah joined three days later. Although they were commissioned in the Pakistan Army on the same day, Rahman was above Shafiullah in the final rankings. Osmani disliked Rahman, and wanted to discharge him after the battle of Kamalpur. However, Osmani may not have made a recommendation and Shafiullah's appointment may have been a political decision.
Cadet college crisis
In 1972, the Bangladeshi government issued a presidential decree in 1972 changing the cadet colleges to government colleges. A delegation of former cadets visited Ziaur Rahman, who helped them obtain an appointment with Osmani. Osmani discussed the issue with President Mujib Rahman, and the decree was withdrawn.Khwaja Wasiuddin
was the most senior ranked East Pakistani officer in the Pakistan Army after the forced retirement of Maj. Gen. Ishfakul Majid in 1951. Wasiuddin was ranked Lieutenant General commanded the Pakistan Army's II Corps in 1971. He planned to defect but was unable to do so when he was posted to Rawalpindi Army HQ as the master general of ordnance. After Pakistan's defeat, he opted for Bangladesh and was interned in his home. Wasiuddin went to London in October 1972 before coming to Bangladesh. Osmani and Wasiuddin served together in 1959 at Rawalpindi GHQ, and they had a cordial relationship.Osmani met Wasiuddin at the airport, and introduced him to Awami League leaders. At age 54, Wasiuddin's experience would have benefited the Bangladesh Army. It was rumoured that Osmani would recommend him to the government as Army Chief of Staff, but some Mukti Bahini members of the army staff threatened to resign. Although Osmani was reportedly hurt by the turn of events, Wasiuddin received an ambassadorship. When Shafiullah asked Rahman about the rumours, the president reportedly said that only a tested patriot would be a chief of staff.
Presidential defense advisor
Osmani did not support the 15 August 1975 assassinations, and did not tolerate undue criticism of Sheikh Mujibur Rahman. He accepted a post as defense advisor to Khondaker Mostaq Ahmad, who took over as president after the 15 August coup and may have been involved. Osmani, who ignored advice to avoid the Mushtaq government, was appointed to the post after Ziaur Rahman was appointed Army Chief of Staff on 24 August 1975 and Khalilur Rahman became Chief of Staff in the Defense Ministry. Although it was a cabinet post, Osmani did not draw a salary. He visited several Army formations, stressing the need for discipline and morale, and may have hoped to prevent further bloodshed with his influence on the armed forces. As defense advisor, he did not oppose the promotion of the 15 August coup leaders or the reinstatement of retired army officers involved in the coup. The coup leaders had installed themselves in Bangabhaban, disregarding the army chain of command, and Osmani accepted the situation. He tried to implement the decision to disband the Jatya Rakshi Bahini, placing its members in police and anser organizations, before Ziaur Rahman received approval to integrate Rakshi Bahini formations into the army in October 1975. The coup leaders maintained control of the 1st Bengal Lancer and 2nd Field Artillery units and deployed outside the army chain of command. Their actions, demonstrating the weakness of the chain of command, created a de facto parallel command structure.When Khaled Musharraf learned of the killing of four political leaders in Dhaka Central Jail, he and some staff went to Bangabhaban to negotiate a peaceful transfer of power. Khandker Mushtaq and Osmani spent the day negotiating, and Shaffat Jamil came to Bangabhaban to meet Musharraf. As he and his soldiers entered the meeting room, he heard Mushtaq browbeating Musharraf: "I have seen many brigadiers and general of Pakistan Army! Don't try to teach me." This angered the CO of the 1st Bengal Company, who drew his gun and said: "And now you will see majors of Bangladesh Army." Mushtaq dropped to the floor, Osmani stood between him and the officer and asked Shaffat Jamil to restore order. After Mushtaq resigned and a new government was formed, Osmani resigned.