Karl Loewenstein
Karl Loewenstein was a German philosopher and political scientist, regarded as one of the prominent figures of Constitutional law in the twentieth century.
His research and investigations into the deep typology of the different constitutions have had some impact on the Western constitutional thought. He studied in his native city of Munich, where he got a doctor's degree in Public law and Political science.
When Adolf Hitler's Nazi Party took power in 1933, he was exiled and went to the United States, the country where he would carry out most of his doctrinal work and writings.
His philosophical and political views
Loewenstein has a clear leaning towards liberal democracy, as shown in the most important book he wrote, "Political Power and the Governmental Process".Constitutional classification
Original and derived constitutions
- Original constitutions: Their contents have been truly innovating for the history of constitutionalism within a particular country, or the ones that inaugurate a new doctrine or political spirit. They introduce institutions or political solutions that have not been tested before in a particular territory. Among them are the following ones:
- *The 1787 United States Constitution.
- *The 1791 and 1793 French and Napoleonic constitutions.
- *The 1831 Belgian Constitution.
- *The German 1919 Constitution, under the Weimar Republic.
- *The 1918 and 1924 Soviet socialist constitutions.
- Derived constitutions: They follow the basic fundamental traits left by the original constitutional convention. Naturally, most present-day constitutions worldwide are derived ones. But he alleges that some post World War II European constitutions are partially derived.
Ideological-programmatic and utilitarian constitutions
- Ideological-programmatic constitutions: They convey an ideological burden in their articles, and they mean to show that the new State being constituted will defend some sort of "creed". Among them there are the first constitutions born during the European liberal revolutions tinged with that ideology. Also, the fascist and socialist constitutions fall into this category.
- Utilitarian constitutions: They present, specially in their organic part, the structural and functional organization of the State's institutions. Although they have an ideological background, it is diluted within their text.
Ontological classification
- Ontological classification: Pays attention to the real effectiveness of the constitutional text and the way in which it is assimilated by the social body. Loewenstein draws a distinction among:
- Normative constitution: It is really enforced, felt or "lived" by both the political rulers and the citizens in general. It is an effective constitution that ultimately controls or governs the political processes within a particular country and the democratic or republican principles it claims to uphold clearly corresponds to the real political practice. The Constitution of the United States is an example of these virtuous and "alive" ones, which are "lived" by the societies ruled by it. Loewenstein uses the analogy of a suit that perfectly fits its user.
- Nominal constitution: Its contents not always corresponds to the local reality, that is, the real policies carried out within a country. Its text is mainly nominal and thus it is not really enforced, due to the lack of appropriate conditions or because the social body is not still ready for them. Nevertheless, it may have an educational value for the people in general, and might become a normative constitution sometime in the future. Loewenstein claims that most of the current world constitutions are nominal to some extent. He compares them to a badly tailored suit.
- Semantic constitution is a fundamental law enforced to formalize and legalize the monopoly of power previously held by some social and/or economic groups, who in fact may have already become illegitimate. It is a clear means by which dictatorial governments pretend to disguise their authoritarianism or even totalitarianism. In fact, instead of limiting the government's power in favor of the individual rights, those so-called "constitutions" do exactly the opposite: they are meant to reinforce or strengthen an already oppressive previous political system. The historical or remaining communist regimes are clear cases or instances of this phenomenon: the former Soviet Union, the other Eastern Bloc countries, China, Cuba, etc. Loewenstein directly compares them with a mere fancy dress.
Political systems
Regimes
Loewenstein claims that political regimes are divides into:- Autocracies: Real power is concentrated in very few hands, who are virtually not subjected to any kind of parliamentarian or administrative control, and that do not recognize the traditional principle of popular sovereignty. He includes in this group the remaining absolute monarchies and presidential systems with a very strong executive authority, that have degenerated in Bonapartism.
- Constitutional democracy: Power is the expression of the sovereignty of the people, as individuals elected for political posts are subject to different controls that ensure the supremacy of the rule of law. Most present-day parliamentary republics and constitutional monarchies fall into this group.
A new tripartite division of power
Loewenstein considered it was extremely difficult to try to change the division of power into the executive, legislative and judicial branches -as established by Montesquieu- which is a sort of "sacred dogma" for the constitutional theory and practice of liberal democracies.However, he presented a new tripartite division of power into functions.
- Determination of policies: This means that the state authorities must choose among several different political possibilities that come before them.
- Execution of political decisions: That is, the implementation or carrying out of the previously selected policies.
- Political control: It involves the control of a political decision, by an organ a different governmental organ that took it, verifying that it was done following the standard pre-set rules.
Power distribution means that the different administrative departments are like a watertight compartments that mutually control and limit the otherwise potentially expansive sphere of influence of the others. In the modern parliamentary and presidential republics this is traditionally done through counterweights usually referred to as "checks and balances". Loewenstein considers that this last function is the most important in his views about the tripartite division of the political power, because if it didn't exist the other two would automatically fall apart, as even the reach and implications of the national political decisions couldn't be determined or estimated.
Works
- Minderheitsregierung in Großbritannien. Verfassungsrechtliche Untersuchungen zur neuesten Entwicklung des britischen Parlamentarismus. Munich: Schweitzer, 1925, first in: Annalen des deutschen Reiches 56/58.
- Erscheinungsformen der Verfassungsänderung. Verfassungsrechtsdogmatische Untersuchungen zu Artikel 76 der Reichsverfassung, Tübingen 1931.
- Political power and the governmental process. Chicago, The University of Chicago Press, 1957.
- Verfassungsrecht und Verfassungspraxis der Vereinigten Staaten Berlin, Springer, 1959.
- Staatsrecht und Staatspraxis Großbritanniens Berlin, Springer-Verlag, 1967, 2 Vols.
- Kooptation und Zuwahl. Über die autonome Bildung privilegierter Gruppen. Alfred Metzner Verlag, Frankfurt am Main 1973,.